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2025 was horrific for trans people. Here’s how 2026 could be much better.

Started by Jessica_Rose, Yesterday at 08:03:16 PM

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Jessica_Rose

2025 was horrific for trans people. Here's how 2026 could be much better.

https://www.lgbtqnation.com/2026/01/2025-was-horrific-for-trans-people-heres-how-2026-could-be-much-better/ 🔗

Faefyx Collington (1 Jan 2026)

As we close the book on 2025, it's no wonder that trans people and their families have been relocating out of red states, or even out of the United States altogether. It has become painfully clear that, unless there are some real changes, surviving four years of this, followed by the work that will have to be done to repair the damage afterwards (where it can even be fixed), doesn't feel doable.

But 2026 is the year that might bring those changes, and I'm not just talking about the midterms in November.
The midterms in November seem set to realign political power in the capital. The elections that have happened this year have shown a big swing away from Trump Republicans, with anti-trans campaigns failing to win votes.

The first openly trans person elected to Congress, McBride initially backed off on trans issues and drew significant heat for not standing up to Greene and Mace as they attacked her and helped to instigate a bathroom bill in the Capitol. But after taking a more active role on social media during the government shutdown, she has stopped holding back and is taking the fight to Republicans.

If the Republican grip continues to falter, Trump's sway over the politicians continues to weaken, and Democrats remember how to stand up and fight, then it won't take an 11-month wait for midterms to see a difference. 2026 will give us reason for hope before then.

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Susan

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I wanted to add some broader context to the points raised in the post above, because it does a solid job of naming just how devastating 2025 was for trans people without slipping into either denial or false optimism.

The harm wasn't abstract. It came through executive orders, court decisions, administrative cruelty, and the quiet normalization of treating trans lives as negotiable.

For many families, "policy" translated directly into relocation, separation, or fear about whether staying put was even survivable.

What makes the article worth engaging with is where it deliberately shifts away from catastrophe narratives and toward *signals of change* that are already visible.

One of those signals is electoral, and it's happening now. I want to raise the importance of elections that are taking place right now, not just the midterms that are still a year away. While congressional races matter, state and local elections are just as critical. These contests don't always generate national headlines, but they are often where protections are either built or stripped away first.

State lawmakers determine access to health care, nondiscrimination laws, education policy, and whether federal attacks are resisted, slowed, or fully enforced.

Recent special elections have been consistently bad for Trump-aligned Republicans. At the same time, Democrats have been making gains in state legislatures and local offices across the country.

Every new Democratic seat at the state level increases the capacity to block anti-trans legislation and create safer environments, even when federal conditions are hostile.

That broader electoral shift is also visible at the federal level. In congressional special elections, Democrats have been sweeping or significantly overperforming, even in districts that were supposed to be safe or comfortably competitive for the GOP. These elections aren't turnout-driven spectacles; they are high-signal tests of motivation and message effectiveness.

Right now, anti-trans fear campaigns are failing to deliver wins. Pouring money into advertising fueled by animus toward trans people isn't saving them, either. Voters are increasingly rejecting campaigns that rely on demonization as a substitute for actual governance.

In the House, those wins have concrete structural consequences. Republican control of the House is already balanced on a razor-thin margin. Every new blue seat tightens that margin, limits leadership control, and reduces how freely legislation can be rammed through. Even small changes affect committee ratios, floor scheduling, and leadership leverage.

At the same time, stronger Democratic representation in state legislatures creates a parallel line of defense—one that can blunt federal harm, slow implementation, and protect trans and LGBTQIA+ people on the ground.

The article is also right to emphasize visible fractures inside the Republican caucus. Retirements, mid-term exits, and open discontent aren't just background noise. In a narrowly divided House, instability alone has real consequences.

Empty seats weaken control just as surely as flipped ones do.

That becomes clearer when looking at the growing list of Republican departures from Congress. A recent PBS overview highlights how much churn is already underway ahead of 2026.

While members of both parties are leaving for a range of reasons, Republican exits carry disproportionate weight because their majority is so thin.

Two of the most visible departures involve two of the House's most aggressive anti-trans figures: Marjorie Taylor Greene and Nancy Mace.

Greene's decision to resign early, rather than simply finish out her term, matters well beyond her individual district. She wasn't just another Republican vote; she was one of the House's most vocal enforcers of anti-trans rhetoric and a central figure in pushing bills designed to publicly target and humiliate trans people, including within the Capitol itself.

Her exit removes a high-profile agitator and weakens the faction that treated cruelty as a governing strategy.

Nancy Mace's departure from the House comes via a different path. She is running for governor of South Carolina and will not be seeking reelection to Congress. Her absence from House votes still reduces leadership's margin for error.

Mace has repeatedly centered her national profile on attacking trans people, particularly trans women, and has leaned heavily into culture-war politics as a personal brand. She won't be missed, and it is very unlikely she will win the South Carolina governor's race.

In a chamber where control hinges on only a handful of seats, losing even reliable votes to higher-office ambitions is not a neutral act.

There is also an underappreciated arithmetic reality here. If enough Republican resignations and early departures occur, control of the House could shift before the midterms.

Combined with Democratic overperformance at both the federal and state levels, the idea of real power shifting to Democrats before November is no longer purely theoretical.

While that outcome remains unlikely, it is no longer far-fetched. That alone changes how much leverage Republican leadership actually has right now.

On the Democratic side, the article highlights something that has been missing for a while: active resistance rather than quiet accommodation.

Sarah McBride's evolution over the past year is a concrete example. Her increased visibility and willingness to engage have already had tangible effects, including Republicans breaking ranks by supporting discharge petitions. Republican Party discipline is no longer absolute.

That theme runs through the entire discussion. This moment isn't about one dramatic reversal or a single saving event. It's about erosion—margins shrinking, strategies failing, and once-reliable scare tactics losing their potency.

The people who spent the past few years insisting that targeting trans people was a guaranteed political winner are now confronting evidence that it isn't.

None of this erases the damage done to the trans community in 2025, and the original post doesn't pretend otherwise. Courts remain hostile, state-level harm continues, and federal power is still dangerous.

But taken together—congressional shifts, state-level gains, retirements, and failed campaigns—the political weather is changing.

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That's why the piece is worth discussing. It doesn't promise safety tomorrow. It argues that momentum is beginning to move, and that movement is already visible if you're paying attention to outcomes rather than rhetoric.

The future is still uncertain, and there are many battles left to fight. But for the first time in a long while, there is a tangible sense that momentum is beginning to turn — not because the danger has passed, but because active resistance is finally starting to take hold.
Susan Larson
Founder
Susan's Place Transgender Resources

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